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Cameroon's Worsening Anglophone Crisis Calls for Strong Measures

Against a backdrop of bomb blasts, sporadic violence and repressive state measures, Cameroon's Anglophone crisis has entered a new and ...

Against a backdrop of bomb blasts, sporadic violence and repressive state measures, Cameroon's Anglophone crisis has entered a new and intensified phase. 

In order to prevent the outbreak of an armed uprising, Cameroon's president must go beyond superficial measures by urgently implementing key reforms and pursuing inclusive, high-level dialogue mediated by the UN or African Union.

The crisis in the Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon, now one year old, escalated on 1 October 2017, when militant secessionist groups symbolically proclaimed the independence of Ambazonia. 

Violence left dozens of protesters dead and over 100 injured. This sharp deterioration in the situation requires an urgent response from Cameroonian President Paul Biya, as well as a strong reaction from international partners.

The events of 1 October (a date commemorating the 1961 reunification between the Cameroon under French mandate and the British Southern Cameroons) are the culmination of a new, intensified phase of the crisis. 

It is marked by the failure of official government missions abroad in August, which led to increased cases of arson and sporadic violence by unidentified splinter groups, violent repression of Anglophone activists by security forces on 22 September, bomb blasts in the Northwest, and a de facto state of emergency from 29 September to 3 October.
Paul Biya 

Due to such murderous repression, secessionist ranks are growing by the day, and some are more firmly evoking the idea of an armed struggle or "self-defence". If he hopes to avoid an armed uprising in Anglophone regions, which would without doubt have an impact in the Francophone zone, the Cameroonian president must go beyond superficial measures and take responsibility in order to find political solutions to the crisis. 

The recommendations detailed in the August 2017 Crisis Group report still stand, but the gravity of the situation means that more urgent action must be taken. Reforms should be preceded by an inclusive dialogue at the highest level to develop long-term solutions. 

Following this bloody repression, the worsening crisis now calls for the intervention of a credible mediator, such as the UN Regional Office for Central Africa (UNOCA) or the African Union.

International partners, who have until now been passive or complacent vis-à-vis the regime, should strongly condemn such state violence and terrible killings. They should also request an independent investigation and sanctions against the perpetrators, as well as the launch of an inclusive dialogue on decentralisation and federalism. 

Finally, they should clearly point out that renewed, widespread violence perpetrated by the security forces will lead to a reassessment of military cooperation with Cameroon.

On 1 October, tens of thousands of people began a peaceful march (holding a plant symbolising peace and chanting "no violence") to proclaim the independence of Ambazonia (the name given by secessionists to their hypothetical state). 

In Bamenda, Buea and across dozens of towns and communities, people marched and hoisted Ambazonian flags at intersections and atop the residences of traditional chiefs as well as onto a police station and a gendarmerie post. Independence was symbolically proclaimed in chiefs' compounds.

Defence and security forces responded with disproportionate force, leading to at least 40 deaths and over 100 injured protesters between 28 September and 2 October.[fn]Five inmates from the prison of Kumbo (in the Northwest), who had reportedly tried to escape, are among those killed. "Cameroun: lourd bilan humain après la proclamation symbolique d'indépendance", L'Express, 2 October 2017.Hide Footnote

This death toll is the result of live ammunition and excessive use of tear gas, including in homes and against the faithful as they left church.[fn]The number of people killed could be much higher. The Human Rights Defenders in Central Africa (REDHAC) estimates that more than 100 protesters were killed. 

The largest opposition party, the Social Democratic Front (SDF), estimates that several hundred people died and speaks of genocide. Senior Anglophone officials told Crisis Group that at least 100 people had been killed. Cacophony reigns within the structures of power.

The two regional governors have evoked seventeen deaths, while the communications minister has mentioned ten. The Anglophone bishops have also spoken of massacres and genocide. "Declaration of the Bishops of the Bamenda Episcopal Conference ... ", 4 October 2017. 

Crisis Group established a minimum number of 40 deaths based on around a dozen cross-checked video recordings of violence, a list of 30 victims drawn up by REDHAC, interviews with the families of these victims, and finally by counting numerous bodies discovered at identifiable locations in the Southwest and Northwest, many of which displayed gunshot wounds and lacked identity documents.

Crisis Group has also received several witness statements, including those of a police officer and a soldier, regarding the numerous bodies carried away by the military. "South and North-West Regions of Cameroon: Human Rights Violations and Serious Crimes", statement, REDHAC Douala, 3 October 2017; "Statement of the Social Democratic Front on the sad events of 1 October 2017", statement, SDF, Bamenda, 5 October 2017; "Le Cameroun anglophone, en ébullition, compte ses morts", Le Monde, 3 October 2017. 

Crisis Group emails and interviews, senior officials, residents, police officers and gendarmes, Yaoundé, Buea, Bamenda, October 2017.Hide Footnote Defence and security forces arrested hundreds of people without warrant, including in their homes.

They made use of torture and inhuman and degrading treatment. Sexual abuse, destruction of property and looting of homes by soldiers and police, as well as shooting from helicopters at protesters in Kumba, Bamenda and near Buea were reported by a dozen residents, local politicians, senior officials, the press, human rights organisations and the Catholic bishops of the two regions.[fn]Crisis Group emails and interviews, residents, mayors and senior officials, October 2017. 

"Declaration of the Bishops of the Bamenda Episcopal Conference ... ", op. cit.; "Cameroon: Death toll rises in Anglophone regions after severe repression", International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), 7 October 2017; Reuters, "Cameroon army helicopters shot separatist protesters", 6 October 2017.Hide Footnote

The villages of secessionist leaders such as Ewele, Akwaya, Eyumodjock and Ekona were targeted by the defence and security forces, forcing thousands of young men to flee to the bush for fear of being killed or arrested and tortured. 

According to the witness statements of locals, a policeman and a soldier deployed in the zone, "soldiers are murdering some people in their homes and shooting at the feet of others".[fn]Crisis Group emails and telephone interviews, Anglophone residents and officials in Yaoundé, October 2017.

Hide Footnote On his Facebook page, the former Supreme Court judge, Ayah Paul Abine, claims to have escaped assassination at his home in Akwaya, which was also reportedly looted by soldiers. Violence, arrests and looting by military and police continued throughout the following week, notably in the department of Manyu. 

Suspected secessionist, Deputy Mayor of Ndu was reportedly killed at home by the military on 2 October.[fn]Crisis Group emails and phone interviews, high-ranking officers in Yaoundé, police and military in Bamenda and Buea, October 2017.Hide Footnote

This widespread violence took place during a de facto state of emergency and martial law, imposed by the two regional governors from 29 September to 3 October: they enforced curfews, banned demonstrations and gatherings of more than four people, closed regional land and sea borders, brought in military reinforcements, banned all movement from one department to another, banned motorcycling, and cut off social networks, followed by the internet and electricity. 

On 1 October, people were also forbidden from leaving their homes.

Some senior officials and high-ranking officers explain the need for these excessive measures by a lack of police officers, which had to be compensated through military reinforcements, untrained in crowd control. 

They also point to insufficient police equipment, the lack of blank cartridges and an inadequate stock or misuse of tear gas. Their claim is that gendarmes and police officers mismanaged their stock of tear gas - insufficient to begin with - by using it in homes, and ran out when facing protesters.


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